Communist Party of Swaziland’s presentation to the 22nd International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties

(First published in the Special Bulletin of the International Bulletin of Communist and Workers’ Parties in November 2020)

22^nd IMCWP THEME: The activity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties under the conditions of the pandemic and the capitalist crisis, for safeguarding the health and the rights of the popular strata, in the struggle to change society, for socialism

The people of Swaziland’s struggle for democracy entered its 47^th year this year, since 12 April 1973 when the monarchy banned political parties and all political activity and created the absolute monarchy that still rules with an iron fist. The creation of an absolute monarchy occurred with the direct political and economic support from apartheid South Africa as well as international capital. The consequence of the autocracy has been the disempowerment of the people, politically and economically. The public healthcare system has virtually collapsed while the royal family has been further enriched through the exploitation of the people.

Imperialism continues to play a major role in the strengthening of the autocracy. International institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) continued this year to advance loans as means of rescuing the bankrupt regime – and to sink the economy of the country into more debt – with the United States of America (USA) rescuing the regime in terms of donations, either in the form of monetary donations or the training of, particularly, young people of Swaziland. These measures have worked to mask the deplorable economy and the poverty engulfing the country.

Close to 70 percent of the people of Swaziland live below the poverty line. Unemployment and inequality remain very high, while those who are employed, particularly women in the factories, are profoundly underpaid. About 77 percent of the people live in the rural areas, under land directly administered by the chiefs on behalf of the monarchy. Rural people are among those who face the harshest treatment from the regime as they face eviction for any political dissent, which include participation and membership in workers’ unions, student struggles, as well as for participation in calls for democracy.

The Swaziland struggle reached a new level of intensity in late 2019 when the people made a decisive call for the fall of the dictator, Mswati III – who rules the country as an absolute monarch – uniting under the campaign #MswatiMustFall! The Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) supported this call and campaigned for its deepening and broadening, calling for a national uprising against the autocracy. The actions of the absolute monarchy have proved time and again, even to the most conservative elements, that absolute monarchy cannot be reformed and dressed in democratic robes but must be overthrown. The CPS seeks a revolutionary transformation of society, occasioned by the end of the oppression and exploitation of one by another. 

IMPACT OF THE CORONAVIRUS ON THE PEOPLE OF SWAZILAND – SAVE OUR PEOPLE, SAVE OUR FUTURE!

The activist work of the unions in conscientising the people about safety measures, notwithstanding the uncaring attitude of the tinkhundla regime with regard to the virus, presented a way-forward on how to defeat both the virus and the regime. It is the workers, working together with the entire population, who forced Mswati’s government to declare a national emergency on the Covid-19 in March. The poor response by the autocracy is not surprising. This has been its response to the general health crisis that has engulfed Swaziland for a very long time.

It is important to remember that by the time the Covid-19 became a global pandemic, the health system of Swaziland had long been collapsed by the Mswati regime. Swaziland was in a health crisis even before Mswati wasted billions of people’s funds spoiling himself on two luxurious private jets, constructing many palaces for himself and his many wives, throwing extravagant birthday parties for himself, purchasing the latest luxurious Rolls Royce and BMW vehicles for himself and his family, and many other ways.

The regime did not do anything to prepare for the pandemic: No test laboratories were constructed to test the public, medical practitioners were not equipped with protective material and knowledge on the virus, and there were no quarantine measures in public hospitals and clinics undertaken, placing both patients and medical practitioners at an increased risk.

The pandemic caused much distress to the working class and will continue to affect negatively the working class people more than the capitalist ruling class. By the end of July 2020, for instance, about 85 per cent of textile factories in Matsapha, Swaziland, had recorded cases of employees testing positive for Covid-19, with many workers losing jobs and more surviving without pay.

A post-pandemic Swaziland and world will have to be completely different if we are to overcome the impact of the pandemic. Only the socialisation of the means of production and exchange, that is by building socialism, will make them sustainable and able to cope with the effects of future health threats. For example, by having robust well-funded, free public health systems and by having comprehensive social security systems.

Capitalism is unable to provide these, as the neoliberal diktat places profit over human need. Neoliberal capitalism is the reason why most capitalist countries have been hopelessly ill-prepared in confronting the pandemic.

Health workers in Swaziland are the most affected in the present statistics of the virus infection. They dedicated themselves to serving the people notwithstanding the deplorable state of public clinics and hospitals overflowing with patients, who are also victims of the collapsed healthcare system. The Mswati regime manipulates the nurses’ solemn pledge to serve humanity by overworking them as well as deliberately exposing them to diseases. The regime has failed to provide the nursing community with proper medical equipment over the decades. Nurses continue to be heavily exploited by the regime and also face intolerable working conditions. The entire working class is consequently the most devastated socially as all the necessary measures to curb the spread completely hold back the life patterns of the poor in our country

The crisis has brought to the fore the acute crisis of tinkhundla capitalism in its form as an autocracy. Without a comprehensive and all round mobilisation to bring down the Mswati autocracy, all effort to save the lives of the people against the virus, will be less effective. Our experience is that, whilst the pandemic has put to test the health capacity of countries, in Swaziland it found an already collapsed health system.

The precautions measured to curb the spread only helped the regime consolidate political repression. The lockdown in Swaziland is more an instrument of human rights abuse and suppression of political opposition than to help facilitate the noble lockdown restrictions of life saving.

IMPERIALIST CONTROL IN SWAZILAND

Imperialism continues to spread its influence across the world. Swaziland has been no exception in this regard. While Swaziland is ruled by an absolute monarch, the Swazi state is, at one and the same time, an imperialist puppet. The state’s interests in this instance is the continued suppression of the people and sustaining of the autocracy. Voices of the people, consequently, remain suppressed by, among other means, the near total domination of the media by the regime.

The pandemic has widened the sphere of imperialism. In April 2020, to assist the Swazi regime in its efforts to prevent, detect and respond to the threat posed by Covid-19, the World Bank Group approved US$6 million in health emergency funding to strengthen Swaziland’s health system’s preparedness to respond to the pandemic and potential future emergencies. In July 2020, The IMF approved US$110.4 million in emergency financial assistance under the Rapid Financing Instrument to support the authorities’ efforts in addressing the severe economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Vitally, imperialist agents wish to see Swaziland privatising all major state and public entities before democratising. As such, while they may make democracy calls, they align the democratisation process with privatisation, so that any new democratic government continues to be at the mercy of the imperialist forces and thus sustain Swaziland as an imperialist puppet.

The European Union also plays an imperialist role, just like the USA, through monetary donations and its control of the agricultural sector. In turn, the monarch directly benefits financially and politically in this regard.

Imperialist sphere of influence is not limited to the regime and its government, however. It also manifests itself within the mass democratic movement. This takes place in various facets, including educational platforms awarded especially to young comrades in the USA and Europe, as well as in direct donations to different organisations and civil society, and many others.

One direct consequence of imperialism’s influence on the democratic movement is the infiltration of anti-communist elements within the movement. The CPS, to combat anticommunism and strengthen working-class unity, continues to hold two national political schools each year – the Winter School and the Summer School, as well as holding regular political schools in the various sectors in which our Party organises. The Party also continues to build and strengthen workers’ unions. Our cadres also contribute to building unions in sectors where there are none.

The CPS therefore continues to play its role in fighting against the permeation of imperialism in our country, in the African continent and the entire world. Our internationalist role will therefore not be hindered by the internal oppression of the people by the absolute monarchy and imperialist forces. Additionally, working-class internationalism must be strengthened everywhere if we are to rid the world of imperialist control.

INTERNATIONALISM

The CPS calls for working-class unity in the fight against human-rights violations in the region in the Southern Cameroons (also referred to as Ambazonia). Since September 2016, the Cameroon military has carried out a systematic and ruthless military campaign against the minority Ambazonian communities. The military campaign has relentlessly violated international human rights law, including, among others, the burning down of more than 400 villages by the Cameroon military – along with the burning of the old and the sick in their own homes in some cases. The military has forced tens of thousands to seek refuge in neighbouring Nigeria, and internally displaced close to a million people. In March 2019, the United Nations reported that about 4 million people in the region had been affected by the conflict.

Struggles of the Zimbabwe working class are struggles for justice – politically, economically and otherwise. The Zimbabwean working class is engaged in a just struggle for freedoms of speech, association and movement as well as the rights for genuine national sovereignty and self-determination. The CPS supports the call for the building of People’s Power in Zimbabwean communities made by the Zimbabwe Communist Party (ZCP) and all the progressive forces of that country.

The CPS rejects the counterrevolutionary claims made by some forces – in the continent and beyond – that any criticism of African leaders automatically amounts to “unAfrican” support for foreign forces, particularly European and American superpowers. The CPS also gave its solidarity to the people of Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe Solidarity Day on 23 September 2020. The ZCP is playing an important role in terms of redirecting the revolution there, theoretically and practically, towards socialism. The CPS calls for solidarity for the ZCP from all parties in the IMCWP. The strengthening of the Africa Left Networking Forum remains an urgent task for all revolutionary organisations in Africa.

The CPS also stands in complete solidarity with the people of Palestine in their rejection of attempts by Israel, backed by the Trump administration, to annex the West Bank. We see this move by Israel as a further step in its strategy of destroying the Palestinian state and effectively perpetrating a genocide of the Palestinian people.

The CPS also continues its calls for solidarity with the people of Western Sahara in their struggle against the occupation of their land by Morocco. The CPS also stands in solidarity with the Cuban and Venezuelan peoples in the defence of their countries against imperialist aggression as perpetrated chiefly by the USA. We call for the end of political interference, threats of aggression and economic blockade on Venezuela and Cuba. The CPS continues to also call for the unconditional release of Abdullah Öcalan from jail in Turkey.

The CPS concludes by reiterating the demands of the people of Swaziland:

1.    Unconditional unbanning of all political parties

2.    Unconditional release of all political prisoners

3.    Unconditional return of all political exiles

4.    The end of media suppression and censorship

5.    Recognition and respect for human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and movement

6.    Total dismantling of the tinkhundla regime

7.    Respect for workers’ rights

8.    Recognition and respect for Women’s rights

9.    Recognition and respect for LGBTQI+ rights

The CPS will continue to mobilise the oppressed people in order to realise the fulfilment of these demands, for we know that the regime will never back down without a fight.

PICTURES:

TOP: 21 December 2019: CPS General Secretary, Comrade Thokozane Kenneth Kunene, officially opening the CPS Summer School which took place from 20 to 29 December 2019 under the theme "Democracy Now!"

MIDDLE: 17 August 2019, Lara State, Venezuela: CPS General Secretary, Comrade Thokozane Kenneth Kunene (2nd from left) travelled to Venezuela on a solidarity mission. He worked with the people there in defending their country as well as improving their lives in various activities.

BOTTOM: High Court, Mbabane, Swaziland – 24 June 2020: Cadres of the Communist Party of Swaziland came out in full support of the court action to demand the end of suppression of the LGBTQI+ community.

HISTORY HAS NO BLANK PAGES: SOBHUZA II WAS NO SUPPORTER OF THE ANC

By Pius Vilakati

The author of this article intended it for the Sunday Observer newspaper as a direct response to an article that had appeared there during the month of July. Of course, the author was aware that due to the reality of censorship and self-censorship that continues to engulf Swaziland, the likelihood of the article getting published were closest to nil than any positive decimal point. Nonetheless, the article is now published by Liciniso, for it would be improper to allow distortions of history to go without challenge.

The author prefers to present the facts as they are to the world, and only extract the truth – and opinions, if any – from the facts as recorded by historical acts. As the Chinese communists often say, “seek truth from facts!”

Perhaps it is most prudent that the article is ventilated to the public about four weeks after the birthday of the tinkhundla system’s paramount saint, Sobhuza II, a clean distance from the emotional and undiluted noises that often hail from tinkhundla adherents and apologists on that day every year. That way, hopefully a real battle of ideas, with all information based on concrete facts, may ensue.

In a “Special tribute to Zindzi Mandela”, an article (Sunday Observer 26 July 2020), attributed to one Prince Thumbumuzi, makes the following claim:

“One of His Majesty King Sobhuza II’s legacy was his contribution towards the liberation of the Republic of South Africa, having been a supporter of the African National Congress (ANC) and helping protect South Africans living in Eswatini in the 60s until his death in 1982.”

The notion that Sobhuza was a supporter of the (ANC) is normal propaganda in Swaziland and often goes uncontested – in addition to the censorship, including self-censorship – in mainstream media.

This article seeks to encourage the public to engage history as it is, not as they wish it to be and definitely not as it has been presented to them by the oppressive authorities. The article does not seek to dispute any type of assistance from Sobhuza or the government, financial or otherwise, to some South Africans. While Thumbumuzi’s interests are, obviously, to place Sobhuza in a plush African “revolutionary” throne, evidence based on historical reality, however, shows that Sobhuza was neither a supporter of the ANC nor the South African liberation struggle, though he did interact with some South African exiles and liberation heroes.

Recently declassified communications show a very different angle of Sobhuza and his government’s role in the South African struggle against apartheid, which contradict the stance presented by Thumbumuzi. The large chucks of these declassified communications come from information recorded by the United States of America (USA), specifically its embassy. In a 1976 written record, the American Embassy, noting the appointment of Prince Maphevu Dlamini, also noted that, according to Americans working in the ministry of agriculture at that time, Maphevu was both pro-American and pro-South African – apartheid South Africa, that is.

In another communication dated 2 November 1978, Sobhuza’s prime minister, Maphevu, during a 30-minute meeting in his office, pleaded strongly with the United Kingdom and USA representatives to urge their governments to prevent the adoption of United Nations sanctions against apartheid South Africa. This was particularly on oil sanctions that were to be imposed on the apartheid regime and thus help accelerate the liberation of the people of South Africa.

Maphevu’s reasoning for the government’s opposition to sanctions was that sanctions would be not only “suicidal” for Swaziland but also extremely detrimental to blacks. According to the record, in his forceful half-hour presentation, Maphevu talked as spokesperson for blacks in all of southern Africa and not merely for Swazis. Incredibly, he lambasted ANC leaders and asked rhetorically which black leaders in South Africa itself would support sanctions. He hoped that Western policy-makers were not taking advice from "blacks who left South Africa ten to twenty years ago and who are now living comfortably in Europe and America." These blacks whom Maphevu described in such offensive terms were the likes of Oliver Tambo, Chris Hani, and other ANC and South African liberation movement leaders. Yet Thumbumuzi wants the world to believe that Sobhuza supported the ANC and the struggle against apartheid!

On 15 March 1979, the USA ambassador had a 45-minute meeting with prime minister Maphevu. In the meeting, Maphevu recalled that he had visited Iran in 1976 and found the Shah (who had some years earlier been imposed on the Iranian people by imperialist USA) doing well in modernising the country; he thought the Iranian people would greatly regret what they had done, that is, removing the imposed dictator. The Swaziland authorities, clearly, always stood in fierce opposition to people’s uprising against tyranny, colonialism included.

Sobhuza also benefitted handsomely from the apartheid regime. In a report titled “Africa Review”, dated 1 December 1978, the United States intelligence agency, the CIA, drew a clear connection between Swaziland and the apartheid government of South Africa. The report stated that Swaziland’s government, presided over by Sobhuza:

“is motivated to maintain good relations with Pretoria. The traditionalist government believes it is threatened in the same way white South Africans are, namely, by a host of outside forces seeking the destruction of a social and political order that has served to protect the interests of the ruling elite… Close relations between with South Africa are probably seen as protection against communist and radical change, whereas, Mozambique as a militant and Marxist state is seen as a serios threat to the preservation of traditional Swazi values and the monarchy. As a result, Swaziland has made little effort to disassociate itself from Pretoria and has indeed strengthened economic ties with South Africa. The government apparently also maintains a covert and close relationship with the South African police that expect to extent cooperation in criminal matters to intelligence matters of mutual concern. In addition, South Africa has equipped the Swazi army with light infantry weapons.” (emphasis added)

The above shows that Sobhuza and his government knew what they wanted. They evidently wanted nothing to do with putting any pressure on the apartheid regime to move towards democracy, and they certainly were not supporters of the ANC. This is history as it is, and it should be properly acknowledged and published!

In addition to the above declassified files, various historians and other commentators have pointed out some of the above facts, especially the fact that Sobhuza was more in support of the apartheid regime than he was for any liberation movement anywhere in Africa, let alone in South Africa, if he ever gave any support at all. The latest in the list of historians who have employed a more scientific approach to understanding the history of Swaziland is Dlamini Hlengiwe Portia (PhD) who, in 2019, published a book titled “A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960-1982”.

Dlamini, who from the outset refers to Sobhuza as “a cunning political fox”, presents Swaziland’s constitutional history and concludes that Sobhuza simply wanted all power to himself and nothing less. Dlamini shows that even during the constitutional debates in the 1960s, Sobhuza always chose to side with the wealthy White settlers and multinational corporations and did not have any intentions to consult indigenous Swazis; he was out to conserve the traditional status quo and protect private property which was owned by White settlers and multinational corporations. Dlamini further notes that Sobhuza’s political party, the Imbokodvo – the formation of which was due to strong advice from the wealthy White community in Swaziland at the time, multinational corporations and apartheid South Africa – was expected to defend the economic interests of White investors and check the rise of ideas that were prejudicial to apartheid South Africa – an obvious example of such anti-apartheid ideas were ANC ideas.

Dlamini deals a death blow to Sobhuza’s credentials on the struggle against apartheid when she points outs that although ANC bases were found in Swaziland, Swaziland was never a member of the frontline states. She states that the only reason the ANC was able to have some bases within Swazi territory is because the Swazi monarchy did not have the military resources to contain ANC activities on its territory – in order to quell a labour unrest in 1962, for example, the British colonialists had to import troops from Kenya. After the 1973 decree, the absolute monarchy relied heavily on apartheid South African intelligence operatives to go after the ANC in Swaziland, especially after signing the 1982 secret pact with apartheid South Africa through which Swazi officials harassed ANC representatives and eventually expelled them from the country, says Dlamini. As such, “[T]he free operation of South African liberation forces on Swazi territory does not mean that Swaziland was officially pro-ANC”, Dlamini maintains.

The aftermath of the 1973 proclamation issued by Sobhuza, banning all political parties and activities, thus abrogating the 1968 constitution, is also scrutinised by Dlamini. While the proclamation was a major devastation for human rights and human development, Dlamini states that the two important partners of Swaziland – Britain and apartheid South Africa – were supportive of the Swazi monarchy in the Cold War context because of the monarchy’s known conservative and anti-communist stance since independence; Sobhuza had already expressed his hatred for the Soviet Union and socialism, and even banned the circulation of communist literature in Swaziland following independence. It must be noted, in this regard, that “communist literature” in this context also included ANC literature, an organisation which Thumbumuzi claims Sobhuza supported.

Dlamini also adds another interesting fact in the post-1973 period. The South African Broadcasting Service’s ‘Current Affairs’ programme, which was generally considered to echo the sentiments of the apartheid regime, considered the 1973 abrogation of the constitution in a favourable light. They even gave propaganda media support to Sobhuza in order to sanctify an oppressive system led by the apartheid regime’s old friend, Sobhuza. South Africa was, therefore, comfortable with the conservative, despotic political order in Swaziland, reasons Dlamini.

The above facts prove, therefore, that Sobhuza was more of a bosom friend of the apartheid regime than the ANC. The results of the rampant abduction, arrest and killing of exiled ANC members on Swaziland soil, particularly in the 1980s, are part of Sobhuza’s legacy which the likes of Thumbumuzi must face. Royal apologists may point to this or that basis for Sobhuza’s collusion with the apartheid regime, but that would not dim the fact that Sobhuza and his government saw a friend in the apartheid regime and not in the ANC. The facts speak for themselves. History has no blank pages!

________

Pius Vilakati is the Information and Publicity Officer as well as the Acting International Secretary of the Communist Party of Swaziland.

Coronaviruses - Information from the World Health Organisation

Coronaviruses (CoV) are a large family of viruses that cause illness ranging from the common cold to more severe diseases such as Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS-CoV) and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS-CoV).

Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is a new strain that was discovered in 2019 and has not been previously identified in humans.

Coronaviruses are zoonotic, meaning they are transmitted between animals and people.  Detailed investigations found that SARS-CoV was transmitted from civet cats to humans and MERS-CoV from dromedary camels to humans. Several known coronaviruses are circulating in animals that have not yet infected humans. 

Common signs of infection include respiratory symptoms, fever, cough, shortness of breath and breathing difficulties. In more severe cases, infection can cause pneumonia, severe acute respiratory syndrome, kidney failure and even death. 

Standard recommendations to prevent infection spread include regular hand washing, covering mouth and nose when coughing and sneezing, thoroughly cooking meat and eggs. Avoid close contact with anyone showing symptoms of respiratory illness such as coughing and sneezing.

Communist Party of Swaziland on the global spread of the COVID-19 and implications for our struggle in Swaziland

The Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) commends the proactive work of the workers of Swaziland in sensitising the people about the global spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19). The activist work of the unions in conscientising the people about safety measures, notwithstanding the uncaring attitude of the tinkhundla regime with regard to the virus, presents a way-forward on how to defeat both the virus and the regime.

It is the workers, working together with the entire population, who forced Mswati’s government to declare a national emergency on the COVID-19. The poor response by the autocracy is not surprising. This has been its response to the general health crisis that has engulfed Swaziland for a very long time.

It is important to remember that by the time the COVID-19 became a global pandemic, the health system of Swaziland had long been collapsed by the Mswati regime. Swaziland was in a health crisis even before Mswati wasted billions of people’s funds spoiling himself on two luxurious private jets, constructing many palaces for himself and his many wives, throwing extravagant birthday parties for himself, purchasing the latest luxurious Rolls Royce and BMW vehicles for himself and his family, and many other ways. The declaration of the national emergency by his prime minister is not, therefore, an example of a bold government serious about the health of the nation.

Mswati has not changed from these selfish desires. He and his autocratic government will not change even now with the COVID-19 pandemic. The regime did not do anything to prepare for the pandemic: No test laboratories were constructed to test the public, medical practitioners were not equipped with protective material and knowledge on the virus, and there were no quarantining measures in public hospitals and clinics undertaken, placing both patients and medical practitioners at an increased risk. A total of 70 per cent of our population is at risk should the outbreak hit our population more.

The people still recall that before the spread of the virus, public hospitals already resembled death camps for the majority. Mswati continued to fantasise about First World status while a nation was devastated by HIV and poverty. When cancer patients were sent home to die due to the government’s frivolous excuse of lack of funds, the spendthrift Mswati continued to devour public funds without any iota of accountability. There has never been any seriousness from the regime to make the health care system serve the people, and it will never do so, for the tinkhundla system is built to serve only the selfish interests of the monarchy as well as private profit interests. It is thus a crime against the people for anyone (or organisation) to suggest that Mswati’s government deserves any commendation for declaring the national emergency – which was, in any event, imposed upon the regime by the decisive actions of the workers and the masses!

The fight against the COVID-19, particularly noting the reality of the necessary restrictions, however, must not translate to a suspension of the struggle for freedom in Swaziland. Instead, the struggle must be intensified. This means adaptation to these temporary conditions of struggle. The fight against the COVID-19 is inextricably linked with the struggle for free quality health care for all, which is also linked with the fight against absolute monarchy rule, a system in place since the abolishing of political parties on 12 April 1973 by the monarch.

The way forward

Following the reality of the global spread of the COVID-19, including in the southern African region in particular, the CPS has taken the following measures:

1.    The CPS 4^th National Congress which was scheduled for 9 to 12 April 2020 is postponed until further notice;

2.    CPS cadres are deployed to strategic areas to give practical solidarity to the people, including their activists’ role in conscientising the masses about the COVID-19;

3.    CPS cadres are commanded to work more closely with workers’ unions and other health experts to acquire credible information on the COVID-19 and dispersing such information to the people; 

4.    The CPS will intensify the struggle against the tinkhundla regime, understanding that the fight against the COVID-19 is naturally linked with the fight against the oppressive regime;

5.    Although the seminar which was to be held on Saturday 21 March 2020, during the Israeli Apartheid Week, has been officially postponed, the CPS will continue to observe the day through its online platforms and other means to conscientise the people of Swaziland about the occupation of Palestinian land by the Zionist Israeli regime;

The CPS calls upon the people of Swaziland to unite in solidarity among each other in the fight for quality health care for all. The fight must necessarily include the fight against the cause of the health care disaster that continues to engulf the people; the tinkhundla system. The struggle must not be abandoned merely because the people are faced with the COVID-19 pandemic!

Issued by the Communist Party of Swaziland

CPS Summer School summary of discussions - Our philosophy is Marxism

2019 CPS Summer School

Summary of discussions – Sunday 22 December 2019

Our philosophy is Marxism

Sunday 22 December 2019 marked the third day of the 2019 School of the Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS). The CPS Summer School discussed the question of society and its relations. This was done under the heading “Our philosophy is Marxism”. The School thus unpacked the concept of philosophy and Marxist philosophy as well as gender and class struggle.

Using Marxist philosophy, the most advanced revolutionary theory, the School also unpacked the question of “gender and class struggle”.

The School thus briefly defined philosophy as a world outlook, a study of human behaviour, how things happen and the study of society including its development.

The Marxist philosophy and political economy

The philosophy of Marxism is materialism. Materialism has proved to be the only philosophy that is consistent, true to all the teachings of natural science and hostile to superstition, cant and so forth. As Lenin put it in 1913, in his Three Sources and Three Component parts of Marxism, classical political economy, before Marx, evolved in England, the most developed of the capitalist countries. Economists such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo, by their investigations of the economic system, laid the foundations of the labour theory of value. Marx continued their work. He proved and consistently developed this theory. He showed that the value of every commodity is determined by the quantity of socially necessary labour time spent on its production.

Marx thoroughly analysed political economy as well as its development. His principal work is Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, published in 1867. He made a stufy of political economy and recognised that the economic system is the foundation on which the political superstructure is erected. Marx thus devoted his most attention to the study of this economic system.

Dialectics

The School understands dialectics basically as a science of continuous development. It is the understanding that everything is in a constant state of motion and change, that is, development. It is a science of interconnections and interpenetrations. The study of dialectics helps us understand that, as Engels said, nothing is stable except instability, nothing is immovable except movement, and that the only thing that never changes is change itself. Thus, we must study and understand society in its historical basis as it develops through the various modes of production. It is for this reason that the tinkhundla regime and its bourgeois friends hate communists. They know very well that the tinkhundla system and capitalism will not be here forever; the winds of change will at some point qualitatively strengthen and sweep them away from the face of the earth.

The laws of dialectics are often summarised into three, in the main: 1) the law of transformation of quantity into quality, and vice versa, 2) the law of the unity and struggle of opposites, and 3) the law of the negation of the negation.

There is a difference between dialectics as defined by Hegel and as defined in the Marxist philosophy. While Hegel’s dialectics amounted to idealism, Marx’s dialectics are materialist, or, put differently, are based on materialism.

Surplus value

In a capitalist society, human labour power becomes a commodity; as something to be bought, with the price being determined by the owners of means of production and appropriators of the products of labour power. Workers sell their labour power to the owners of the means of production who utilise it to maximise their profits. As Lenin shows, workers use one part of their labour day to cover the expense of maintaining themselves and their families (wages), while the other part of the day the workers toil without remuneration, creating surplus value for the capitalists, the source of profit, the source of the wealth of the capitalist class. Thus, the capitalists appropriate the fruits of workers’ labour power and appropriate the surplus value, a product of the working class. That is the secret of capitalist exploitation.

CPS cadres must thus thoroughly study the class struggle that is ongoing in society as well as its historical development.  For instance, under feudalist society, the ruler was a landlord and under the landlord there were people that did not own the land. Feudalism has similarities to slavery, though at an advanced stage. The highest point of feudalism is when the whole country is ruled by a monarchy. In Swaziland, for instance, Mswati operates as a feudal lord, an absolute monarchy, and he rules the country in collaboration with capitalist imperialism.

Gender and class struggle

When a child is born, society defines the sex of the child only in two ways; male or female. Society then uses that distinction to determine the roles of the two sexes.  This is what we refer to as gender roles. Society does not accept any other sexual orientation and gender identity, and neither does it accept that the different sexes can be equal in the production of the means of subsistence as well as their enjoyment of the products thereof.

Swaziland is a deeply patriarchal society – system where males dominate society and thus males are seen as superior beings to women and any other sex. We must remember that patriarchy, as a system, has existed even before capitalism. Capitalism reinforced and deepened patriarchy and thereafter justified it with its laws, cultures and religious beliefs. In such society, men are regarded as heads of families while women are home keepers as well as housewives.

By “gender” the mistake sometimes is made that we refer only to women. The School clarified this aspect. Our understanding is that “gender” should refer to all kinds of sexual orientation, including LGBTQI+, as well as the roles imposed by society upon the different sexes. The objective of the gender struggle, therefore, is the emancipation of all sexes from patriarchal oppression along with the economic system which produces and reinforces it, capitalism.

Due to the mistake mentioned above, in numerous gender discussions in society, men are often ignored. It is because of patriarchal society that men do not complain, for instance, when they are oppressed and bullied by women – even when this is committed by other men. Society perceives men as strong and almost invincible, and thus comes stereotypical beliefs such as indvodza ayikhali (a man never cries), etc.

However, despite the above, capitalist economy is dominated by males – but the owning class of males. Males are paid more than women for the same job of equal value. Thus, the direction of society follows the direction of males and the rest of the groups are suppressed under the rule of men.

We must remember, however, that despite this fact, the primary thing remains class rule. Women are oppressed as a class, together with all other working class men (though these working class men often step on women and consider them inferior). But women suffer more because they are also oppressed as women. This is why when we talk about gender, the discussion often gravitates around women and women struggles. House chores, for instance, often done by women, constitute a part of unpaid labour without which the man cannot go to work. The man is paid a salary for his work at his place of employment, but the woman is unpaid for her labour. Thus, the exploitation of women deepens. Women are also not paid for pregnancy and giving birth to the future working class which will be presented for exploitation by the bourgeoisie.

The school must conscientiously engage on the question of women’s unpaid labour. Additionally, the School must discuss the question whether women must not be paid for pregnancy and birth-giving.

Understanding the CPS and its role in the struggle for freedom, democracy, and socialism

2019 CPS Summer School

Day 2 summary – Saturday 21 December 2019

Understanding the CPS and its role in the struggle for freedom, democracy, and socialism

The Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) holds its 2019 Summer School under the theme “Democracy Now” (20 – 29 December 2019). The School began on a high note, remembering on one of its most committed cadres, the late Comrade Njabulo “Njefire” Dlamini, who died in May this year. Delegates enjoined themselves to intensify the struggle in his memory and for the future of all humanity.

On the school’s first plenary session, 21 December 2019, we captured the CPS theme, “Democracy Now”, as well as the aims and objectives of the school. We further unpacked the basis of our struggle and the structures and programmes of the CPS.

Purpose of the School

The CPS Summer School aims to impart political consciousness into delegates and empower them to consciously lead the revolution. We follow the tried and tested theory that was crafted by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, now popularly known as Marxism-Leninism.

The School unpacked the role of revolutionaries in the armed struggle. The armed struggle falls on no one else except revolutionaries. Our society is an abnormal one due to tinkhundla rule. Only a revolution will ever solve the problems engulfing Swaziland.

We should know our objectives. Revolutionaries need to understand the struggle comes with sacrifice and a clearly defined vision. They must also know the nature of the society we live in and comprehend the sacrifices to be made in order to uplift society into a revolutionary mass. The situation in the country proves that the objectives are working to our advantage. Swaziland’s population has been on a negative growth for some time. People are dying due to the system’s worsening healthcare system. Therefore, every action by the regime must be interrogated.

The country is struggling over wages, scholarships, a collapsed healthcare system and other key sectors. Swaziland has political thugs without revolutionary direction, therefore the CPS should pick up arms and intensify the revolution so as to achieve “DEMOCRACY NOW!”

The world is looking to the CPS for direction on the Swaziland question and the workers of the world are ready to support the oppressed people of Swaziland by all means necessary.

The basis of our struggle

The CPS Summer School unpacked the meaning of the CPS slogan, “Freedom, Democracy and Socialism.” The School clarified the contents of our freedom and democracy, as well as the meaning of socialism. The slogan thus summarises the basis of our struggle.

The School envisages that there will be a time in future where there will be no hunger, poverty, homelessness, inequality, standing army, prisons and a police force. To understand this point, a thorough analysis of the history of our society was unpacked. To answer these above questions, we need to trace the history of our struggle, how it has developed and how it has linked to different regions, countries, continent, and the universe. We must prove with scientific evidence, the possibility of equality in the struggle. We need to study how humans produce their means of existence because society has been broken by inequalities caused and reinforced by capitalism. We also need to study the historical development production as well as productive forces and production relations.

Our study of history, however, does not follow the traditional “emakhandzambili – bemdzabu – emafikamuva” narrative of the tinkhundla system. Instead, we use the materialist conception of history and dialectics, also known as Marxism-Leninism, as a scientific guide to action.

Production, and its study thereof, including its historical development, constitutes an important aspect if we are to concretely study society. Human beings are the product of their own production. Those who do not study the development of productive forces as well as production relations will continuously fail to understand the essence of the struggle of the people of Swaziland. It is largely for this reason that many of the organisations in engaged in the democratisation struggle in Swaziland constantly make the wrong call that thy want to have a dialogue with the oppressive monarchy.

Socialism is more democratic than capitalism. Capitalism is a society where the minority decides for the majority. The owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie exploit the majority, the workers, and expropriate the largest chunk of the fruits of production while the workers only offer their labour power in return for little payment which is enough for them to return to work the next day. Socialism, on the other hand, is a society where, for the first time since the breakup of society into classes, the majority democratically decide for society as a whole. History continues to prove that a country led a Communist Party has a better quality of life than its previous bourgeois or any other type of class society that has existed in the past.

CPS structures and programmes

Constitutionally, the Communist Party of Swaziland has 8 structures. Since the Party is still on a building phase, it still organises largely in commissions.

The CPS has:

1.    Central Committee. Its powers include directing the work of the CPS, determining all questions of policy, and issuing binding instructions and directives to all levels of the CPS, subject to the National Congress of the Party.

2.    The commissions of the CPS are: Workers’ Commission; Women Commission; Peasants Commission; Youth and Students Commission. The CPS has to work with the masses to in order to strengthen its commissions. Commissions are led and guided by the CC.

Programmes

·         Strategic program

·         Transitional program

·         Program of action

Pillars of the Programme of Action: BUILDING and STRENGTHENING OUR FORCES (Building and strengthening the CPS, the broad pro-democracy movement and working class formations, such as trade unions, youth, women and peasant organisations)

B. WEAKENING AND DEPLETING THE POWER OF MSWATI REGIME (weakening and depleting the power of the Mswati regime politically, economically and psychologically)

C. WINNING OVER SUPPORT AND ALLIES FOR THE REVOLUTION (Building solidarity with the struggle in Swaziland within the Swazi population and in other countries and the international arena).

Democracy Now!